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Home Economy

The Status Game (with Will Storr)

by FeeOnlyNews.com
5 days ago
in Economy
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The Status Game (with Will Storr)
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0:37

Intro. [Recording date: October 16, 2025.]

Russ Roberts: Today is October 16th, 2025, and my guest is author Will Storr. Our topic for today is his book, The Status Game. Will, welcome to EconTalk.

Will Storr: Thanks for having me, Russ. It’s good to be here.

0:49

Russ Roberts: So, this book, EconTalk listeners will recognize the echo of Adam Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments. My favorite quote being, “Man naturally desires, not only to be loved, but to be lovely.” That is, we care about earning the respect of other people, and we like to matter, and we like to be admired, and we like to earn that honestly if we can. But, we sometimes fool ourselves, and Will, you actually quote Adam Smith with a similar version of that quote, which is fun for me to see.

But, what this book is about, it’s more than just the Adam Smith insight. It’s about our perennial, constant desire to judge ourselves, judge others, and give ourselves a score in the game of life because of our status and how we’re treated. So, talk about what you mean by ‘life is a game’ and the status game in particular.

Will Storr: Yeah. So the thesis is that the conscious experience of human life is a story. That’s how we experience our life, moment to moment, where they’re kind of here at the center’s unfolding narrative. But the subconscious treats our lives in a different way. And so, when I’m talking about life being a game, that’s what it’s doing. There’s a famous neuroscientist called Chris Frith I quote in the book, who says that the brain treats your environment as a reward space, and it draws you towards the things that you need and pushes you away from the things you don’t need. And, that’s what the subconscious brain is constantly doing.

And, the story of life is: we’re telling a story and justifying and rationalizing those movements back and forth. And, the three big things that humans want is–like all living things, we want to survive, obviously, and we want to reproduce.

But, in order to do that, humans have these other two very profound urges. The first one is connection. We want to connect with people like us, which is not primarily the subject of this book, but equally important.

And, the second one is status: We need to feel that we are being of value to other humans, because we’re this sort of collective, tribal, highly cooperative ape. So, we’re highly motivated by signals that we are contributing to the great cooperative game of human life.

So, that is a subconscious obsession. We need to feel that we are valued or respected–or however you want to phrase it–that we have status. And, when we don’t feel like that, we immediately feel distress. And, when we experience low status in the chronic sense, we get mentally ill, we get physically ill.

So, the book is really arguing that status is not a want, it’s a need. And then, just extrapolating all the ramifications, the various ramifications of that.

3:49

Russ Roberts: So, let’s talk a little bit about judgment. I went on a number of silent meditation retreats. And on these retreats, you’re not supposed to make eye contact. You’re not supposed to speak to anybody, for sure. You’re not supposed to touch anybody. So, if you see somebody crying or struggling emotionally, you’re not supposed to comfort them. That’s the role of the staff and the teachers. But, even when you pass them in the hall, you’re not supposed to catch their eye. You can’t nod, you can’t recognize them in any way. And, when that first happened, I thought–when I was first told that was one of the ground rules–I was, like, ‘That’s just the silliest: that’s just stupid. Ridiculous.’

But, after about a minute, three minutes, I don’t know how long it was, I realized after not looking at someone, I realized they weren’t looking at me. And, it was one of the most liberating experiences I’ve ever felt. I wasn’t being judged, ‘Oh, he’s overweight. He’s not attractive. His hair is funny. That shirt, why did he wear that shirt?’

And, I realized that we do that every second. And, part of the goal of that retreat was to be aware of judgment and how constantly we do that. And of course, judgment is really useful in all kinds of places, but it also comes at a cost. So, talk about that–the role of judgment in our everyday life–and also your own experiences: Having written this book and thinking about it, has it made you more sensitive to judging and being judged?

Will Storr: Yeah, that’s so interesting about the silent retreat. Yeah, I hadn’t thought of it like that. But yeah, so the brain has this, neuroscientists call it the status detection system. We have this always-on technology that’s continually assessing people in terms of status, but also how other people are assessing us in terms of status.

So, I talk in the book: you go into an elevator in a hotel, and you’re immediately judging people on how they’re dressed, what floor they’re getting off, are they staying in a suite, or are they staying in one of the lower floors? Who is the staff? You can’t escape from the status game.

And, we’ve been playing–lots of animals do this. We’re not the only animals that are interested in status, but we are especially good and especially sensitive to it. And, it’s functional.

As I say, humans are a species of great ape. We’re not like an ape, we are an ape. But we are unlike the other apes in a really important way. And that’s that we are highly, highly cooperative. So, we are kind of part ape, part ant.

So, the way that we solve the problems of existence, unlike the other apes, is we do it collectively. We form into groups, and each member of the group knows what their role is, and they know what part they play. And, it’s the group in humans that solve the problems. So, that’s whether it’s a soccer team, or a political party, or a nation, or an army, that’s what we do. We solve the problem [?] into groups.

And, in order to make those groups functional, you need a system of incentive and punishment, rewards and punishment. And, that’s the status game. So, as I said earlier, we are deeply interested in: How useful am I being to other people? Because that’s what status is: it’s a score of our perceived value.

And, back in the days of the hunter-gatherer tribe, when our brains, when all this was evolving–when our brains, our human brains, were evolving–the more useful you were to the tribe, the more pro-social you were, the more you put the tribe’s interest before your own, the higher you would raise in status, and the more food you’d get, the better food you’d get. You’d get safer sleeping sites, you’d get better access to your choice of mates, which, of course, evolutionarily is extremely important. Your children will be treated better.

So, basically, it’s this fundamental rule of human life, is: Go for status. If you go for status, everything else gets better. And, lots of those other things are directly plugged into survival and reproduction. So, it’s of fundamental importance.

8:05

Russ Roberts: Of course, the flip side is that you want to avoid a loss of status. So, one of the more shameful feelings that I have experienced is being around someone who I think is not worthy of being around me, and therefore I don’t want to associate with them, because ‘They’re pulling down my status.’ And, I had a remarkable moment, maybe about six months ago: I had a party at my house for some of my faculty, and a man came to deliver the fruit for the party, and he came late. So, most of the faculty were already there. And, most faculty, historically, in my experience, are really into status. It’s an important thing. But I’m proud to say that my group here at Shalem College in Jerusalem, when this guy came to deliver their fruit–it was in my house, by the way–they happily invited him in, gave him some of the food. He was an older man, and he wanted a tip. It was clear that he was eager to be taken care of in addition to whatever he was being paid for this delivery. And, my faculty just embraced him. I was so proud of that. Because, that is kind of rare. And, they have Ph.D.s, and, of course, they have a lot of status, at least in certain circles. Others not so much. But, it’s a beautiful thing.

And, I think one of the crueler things that we sometimes do as human beings is we reject or push away people that we think are not worthy of us on some illusory dimension–like education–with the thought that, ‘Oh, that’s going to make me look lesser in somebody else’s eyes.’ And, it’s not a rational calculation. I mean, one of the things you emphasize in the book, which I think is very powerful, is how unconscious or subconscious this is. And, I think your book sensitizes one to that challenge, which I think is very important.

Will Storr: Yeah, I think that’s right. As I say in the book, status leaks. And so, we want to be around higher-status people than us, because their status leaks out onto us. But it also goes the other way. And, if we feel that we’re around people who are lower status, then that makes us uncomfortable, because that means that we feel that some of the status is leaking out. I mean, I’ve just come from my CrossFit class, which is why my hair is wet. And, that’s full of–

Russ Roberts: I’m not impressed. I am not impressed at all.

Will Storr: Not at all; don’t be, because I’ve been going for two years, and I’m still one of the worst people. And I’m one of the lowest status people in the gym, and–

Russ Roberts: But, Will, you do–

Will Storr: the big guys who are in their thirties and twenties. But, it’s always the old guys that gravitate towards me. And, I think ‘Why?’ And it’s, like, ‘Because you are one of them. These are your people. Accept it.’ But, yeah, especially after writing this, I always notice it at CrossFit, because it is, like, going into a place where I am fated to be always one of the lowest status people in that particular space.

Russ Roberts: But, you do CrossFit, which makes me look like a bum. So, I’m humbled that you’re on my program, and I feel the lesser than I did a minute and a half ago.

Will Storr: You wouldn’t be humble if you seen me half an hour ago, I tell you.

Russ Roberts: You–it reminds me of when my wife and I, about five years ago, went to see Jackson Browne, who I’m a big fan of; and she looked around at the concert, and she said, ‘A lot of these people look like my mom.’ And, I said, ‘Yeah, because they’re old like us,’ somewhat at least. It was not a young crowd. But, that’s you at the gym. I’m sorry to hear it, Will.

Will Storr: Yeah. I had a similar experience. I think one of the moments I realized I was getting old was–my favorite band is called the Afghan Whigs. And I remember going to see them in the nineties in London, and the singer Greg Dulli was young and thin and handsome, and the whole of the audience were young and thin and attractive. And, I was there; And then I went to see them again in my early forties. And, Greg was rather overweight, and everybody in the crowd was old and overweight. I was looking around like, ‘God, we used to be cool, and now we are just not.’ Even on the stage, they’re just not. Age is cruel.

Russ Roberts: It’s just a good example though, because it makes your point, which you make in the book, which is: if you can’t win that game, pick a different one. You are always looking for a place where we can be a bigger fish than we might otherwise be.

Will Storr: But, I think that’s one of the liberating things, is the understanding–I think the colloquial understanding of status is that life is just one big status game. It’s just one monolithic game that you go up and down. But, that’s not how it is, is that there are effectively infinite status games. And, I can go into CrossFit and be the bottom of the rung, but then I can go into a different status game and not be there 10 minutes later or half an hour later.

So, that’s the great thing about life, and I think that’s the thing that, especially getting old–I mean, I’ve just turned 50, I’m not enjoying it–but it’s the understanding that you just can’t be playing those games of youth anymore. You can’t be playing a status game that involves beauty anymore. Just don’t, because you’re going to make a fool of yourself. But there are other games to play: when you’re in your forties and fifties, you’ve got to have experience and expertise, and there are things that a 22-year-old can’t do that you can do.

Russ Roberts: Exactly.

Will Storr: It’s embracing that stuff, and not falling–we live in such a youth-worshiping culture in the West, that that can be hard for people. I mean, it is hard for me. It’s hard for lots of us as we get older.

Russ Roberts: Your hair still looks really good, though, and much better than mine. So, I’m 71, so it’s something to be proud of.

Will Storr: Are you? Oh my God, you look amazing for 71.

Russ Roberts: Of course. Yeah, that’s one of my status achievements.

14:15

Russ Roberts: Let’s talk about Ben Gunn, an example early on in the book, which is quite interesting about illustrating how status works.

Will Storr: Yeah. So, Ben was a guy that I interviewed as a journalist quite a long, about 10 years ago, maybe 15 years ago. And I interviewed him because he was, I think, the longest-serving prisoner in the United Kingdom. He’d been sent to prison as a teenager for losing his temper and killing someone accidentally. And, he was literally sent down to prison wearing his school uniform. I think he was 14.

And, of course, this is a nightmare. You know the phrase is, ‘at Her Majesty’s pleasure,’ which is like an open-ended sentence. And so, he was there. And initially he tried to take his own life. He tried to starve himself to death. He tried all kinds of things, and that didn’t work.

But slowly, he decided to fight against what he perceived as the petty, kind of bullying tactics of the prison officers. And so, he decided to study law–prison law and prison rules. And, he got himself to the stage where he knew the law better than the prison guards themselves and became known as the archetypal character: the prison lawyer.

So, whenever any prisoner had a problem, they would come to Ben, and Ben would help them. And cause a lot of problems, cause a lot of trouble, write a lot of letters. And, he developed a reputation as being somewhat of a difficult–well, not somewhat–a lot of a difficult prisoner. And so, in their kind of infinite capacity for revenge, the prison authorities kept denying him parole again, and again, and again, and again, and again, because he was just such a troublemaker.

And then what happened was that he fell in love–like, a visiting teacher, English teacher. He fell in love with a visiting English teacher, and she fell in love with him, and they had this kind of affair and somehow managed to have an affair in prison. And, it got to the point where she said to him, ‘Look, Ben, you are always up for parole, they’re always turning you down. All you’ve got to do is just behave. Just, like, spend a year not causing any trouble. And then, you can be released. I’ve got a lovely cottage in the Cotswolds. You can come and live with me and my cats,’–like paradise.

And, the amazing thing was that he wouldn’t do it. He didn’t want to do it. And, he had to face the fact that he didn’t want to be released. That actually what had happened was he’d become very high status amongst the prisoners in the prison. When he walked down the corridor, people went, ‘Oh my God, it’s Ben Gunn.’ He had this huge beard, he looked like a pirate.

And so, when I met him, he had actually been released, and he was living in a lovely cottage in the Cotswolds, and it was lovely, and his partner was a wonderful person. But he was in the midst of what seemed to be a terrible breakdown. He completely collapsed. And, in his own words was that, ‘I knew who I was inside: I was someone. And out here I’m nothing. Just an ex-con.’

That really spoke to me quite profoundly about our need for status and how important it is; and how really preeminently important it is, is that even in that absolute hell of the prison system, he would rather be there and have his status than be outside and have freedom and the love of a good woman and have no status whatsoever. So, yeah, I thought that was just a very interesting story to begin the book.

Russ Roberts: It’s fascinating. Without any spoilers, there’s a similar character in The Shawshank Redemption. When you script it in a movie, it seems a little heavy-handed, but this is a true story. And, you’ve met the man. And the idea that we want to be loved in the Adam Smith sense of the word–he was loved by his wife, but that was not quite enough for him, at least relative to what the respect and admiration he had in that more restrictive environment. It tells you a lot about the human animal.

Will Storr: Yeah, and romantic love I would put under the category of connection. That’s a separate thing. That’s different from the feeling that we are valued by the wider human community. I think that’s what we’re talking about when we’re talking about status.

18:56

Russ Roberts: So, we recently had Toby Stuart on the program talking about his book Anointed, which is in a similar vein, but there’s an edge to his book. There’s a little edge to yours, too, which maybe we’ll get to about the economic system. But, it was clear in talking to Toby–and it’s probably in his book, I don’t want to misquote him, so I’m just talking about at least the conversation–that being anointed, being given status by someone recognizing you or choosing you, picking you out, and giving you the benefit of their elevated status, either from their success, or their beauty, or whatever it is, that’s something–sinister is too strong, but he doesn’t like it. Let’s just leave it at that. Which I get. I don’t like–I’m more agnostic about it.

But, the theme of your book really is that it’s just the way it is. We might not like it. We have social movements that rebel against it. They have not turned out so well, and you don’t spend as much time on this in the book as you might have. But, much of the book is saying, under the surface and occasionally explicitly: This is the game. You might not like the rules. You may think it’s unfair to you, but this is the world that you live in because of your genetic endowment as a creature of the past.

Will Storr: That’s right. You can’t not play the status game. It’s impossible. It really is impossible. It’s in our brain–it’s part of how we experience ourselves and we experience the world. I mean, you get to people–well, there are three really examples that I talk about in the book of people who sort of fool themselves into believing that they’ve escaped the status game. And, one of them is the hikikomori of Japan, the shut-ins, the people who find–because Japan is a harsh status game. It’s very judgmental. Very difficult work conditions, very strict gender roles are enforced. And so, there are generations of people that try and check out of there. And, what happens to the hikikomoris, they end up spending their playing computer games, which is a proxy status game anyway. And then, they usually just die alone, and there’s a foul smell, and they find their bodies. It’s not good when you exempt yourself in the status game.

And, another group of people that fool themselves into believing that they’ve exempt themselves in the status game are the Buddhists, which is complete fantasy. I mean, Buddhists believe in a karmic system of–I think there are six realms of reincarnation. And, the idea is that you build this up to the–ultimately, you want to escape the game completely, but the top realm is wealth, luxury, splendor. I mean, it’s basically the Donald Trump lifestyle is what these Buddhists are actually–it’s so incredibly status-based, Buddhism, the idea that they’re somehow exempting themselves. And, this is backed up in scientific studies, too. There are these hilarious studies where they find that the better people become at Buddhism, the more highly they regard themselves as spiritual superiors to the people around them. And so, it just doesn’t work, this idea that mindfulness, and meditation, and Buddhism is this escape from the status game.

And then, the big story I tell at the end of the book, as a way of summing up the whole thing, is the experience of the Communists, who believed that there could be such a thing as a world of pure connection. I mean, that was their own phrase, ‘pure connection,’ with no status whatsoever. And of course, it ended up being an enormously hierarchical society. Sociologists in the 1950s found 12 different social groups in the Soviet Union, an insane cult of personality around Lenin, Stalin, Mao–which is all status–demands for absolute reverence and subservience to the cause.

So, between the Buddhists, and the hikikomori, and the Communists, I think we can see that these various attempts that have been to escape status, they’re catastrophic. Well, I mean, Buddhism isn’t catastrophic. I mean, I think Buddhism is more comical in its self-delusion for me. But Communism and hikikomori, they are not good ways to organize your own life or the life of a country.

So, you just can’t do it. And, also, I would argue, why would you want to? Because, status is the source of a lot of personal pain for people. And that’s what we think about a lot is, ‘Oh my God, it’s tough. It’s hard,’ and it is; but it’s also responsible for civilization itself. Without smart people being very deeply interested in winning the respect of their peers, you don’t get technological advances, you don’t get space travel, you don’t get the Internet, you don’t get cities and the amazing art that we have in the world. So, I am agnostic about–well, I mean status is as good as it is bad. In the book, I trace terrible things, including the Holocaust, to status anxiety. But, equally, the invention of the iPhone that has its founding story in Steve Jobs–insane status anxiety in his insane sense of personal competition with his rivals in Silicon Valley.

So, that’s the human animal. And, it is one of these things–I don’t think I say it in the book, but I’ve said it before and elsewhere, is that I find these conversations kind of ridiculous. Like, 20 years ago we were having conversations about is religion good or bad, or is capitalism good or bad? Is status good or bad? I mean, it’s so comical to want to feel we can reduce these incredibly complex systems of trade-offs into good or bad. I mean, they’re highly complex phenomena. Religion is good and bad. Capitalism is good and bad. Status is good and bad. So, I really try and resist these very simplistic kind of analyses of these highly complex phenomena.

Russ Roberts: Well, I want to put in a good word for Buddhism. I’m not a Buddhist, but I certainly–I think many Buddhists will disagree with your assessment, but if we’re lucky we’ll hear from them.

25:27

Russ Roberts: I’m intrigued by something that–you’ve just turned 50, so it’s very relevant. You say in the book, and I think it’s generally true, that you’re never satisfied. You think, ‘Oh, if I could make this achievement’–it’s usually related to money, or career status, or a certain title–‘then I’ll be fine.’ And, most of us aren’t, and most of the time. There’s a new title that we still yearn for. There’s always people ahead of us, kind of incredible. And, there are people behind us, which, if you’re really unhealthy, you can enjoy that, that you’re above them. And, it does cross your mind–because you’re a human being, part of the insight, I think, of your book. But, for me, having reached 71, I feel like it doesn’t bother me as much as it used to.

Let me put it in a different way. The flip side of achieving things is grievance: I’m not getting the respect I should get. I’ve not reached such and such an achievement, such and such a title, such and such an income. And, instead of saying, ‘Well, it’s me,’ it’s usually–the conclusion is usually, ‘It’s them. They’re not giving me what I deserve.’

And, there’s an extraordinary story in the book. You don’t have to go into the details; but, it’s a version of, ‘Do you know who you’re talking to? Do you know who I am?’ And that cry–which never looks good, by the way. It’s a sentence that a person should not utter in a world where many of our encounters get recorded. But, it’s a plea. It’s usually said in anger or outrage, but it’s basically an incredible statement of insecurity because it’s saying, ‘You are not giving me the status I am entitled to.’ And, it’s a very human thing.

But, I’m just suggesting, I think, as you get older, or at least as I get older, I feel like the grievances don’t bother me as much as they used to. So, as you continue to do poorly at CrossFit as you age, well, there may be a consolation that some of the fire of injustice that we sometimes feel in this game maybe will quiet down a little bit.

Will Storr: Well, that’s very interesting. I mean, it’s reassuring and comforting. I like what you’re saying.

So, I wanted to write about this in the book, because I had an instinct that as we get older, some of these urges will lessen. And, I did research it, but the evidence was so inconsistent I decided not to write about it. And so, I was looking specifically about the effect of retirement, because I was thinking: Well, retirement is you’re removing yourself from the status games of life. And so, is retirement good or bad? And, the evidence is mixed. And, it seemed to be that if you choose your retirement, it’s good, but if you feel forced into retirement, it’s bad. It just felt a bit like, ‘Ugh.’ So I had an instinct for what you were saying was true. And, I wanted to argue it. But the only reason I didn’t, because I couldn’t find the evidence to stand it up. But, I do appreciate what you’re saying, and I instinctively–and I hope it’s true as well, because it is a lovely thought.

The other thing that I will say, which isn’t in the book because it is in my more recent book, is this sense that we don’t have the status that we deserve I think it’s fairly universal. And, in story terms, it’s part of the archetype of the underdog. So, when you are reading a story like Harry Potter, or Luke Skywalker, or whatever, Star Wars, or Hunger Games, or whatever it might be, very often you’ve got this underdog character. Underdogs are universally identifiable. Every culture has stories about underdogs. And so, underdogs tend to be low-status characters that are deserving of higher status. And I think that’s the reason why we love underdogs so much and why we identify with them, because that’s us, that’s me.

And, my guess is that’s part of our psychology because it keeps us pushing for more. ‘I deserve more, I deserve more, I deserve more.’ And, I think especially as we get into middle age and some of the optimism bleeds away, and some of the realities of life leak in, I think you’re right, that optimism and that fire turns into grievance. I feel that often. Every writer I know feels that, no matter how successful they are, without exception, ‘It’s not fair. It’s not fair.’

And, I do feel like–my instinct is it is just part of basic human cognition. We always feel like we are deserving of more status, and it keeps us pushing on and keeps us pushing on.

Russ Roberts: Yeah, it’s kind of interesting. You mentioned Harry Potter. I was just thinking, when you mentioned underdog, I was thinking about Oliver Twist. So, both those stories are about orphans, and it’s actually kind of frightening how many children’s stories are about orphans. And, I’ve always found it disturbing as a parent to read stories to my kid or kids about orphans. It seems like a very traumatic thing to put in the face of a child.

But I think–there’s a part of it I didn’t appreciate that you’re highlighting, which is an orphan really has no status. Their parents are gone–unless they’ve inherited immense amount of money. But, in all these gripping underdog stories, the kid is not only missing the guidance of the parent, they’re missing the income of the parent; but most of all, they’re missing any status that the parents have. If the parents are well-off, or they’re successful, or they’re admired, they’re gone. And so the kid who normally would be able to stand on the shoulders of the parent in some dimension, has nothing. And, they’re put into the orphanage, they’re put into the relative who hates them, they’re Cosette in Les Mis. And, that underdog is, you’re right–they have a grievance. Their situation is not in line. It’s not fair. And so, it bothers us, and we root for them.

Will Storr: Because we identify with that feeling. I think it’s a fundamental thing. We identify with that feeling of, ‘I should have more status than I do.’ I think it is a very, very common feeling amongst humans. And, you can see why it’s functional, because it keeps us pushing on for more, and more, and more.

32:31

Russ Roberts: Now, slightly against my theory that as you get older you get more mellow about this, is a story you tell about Paul McCartney–and I’d never heard this. I think it’s a fact that later in his life he, in some situations, reversed the order of the songwriting credits. And, I’ve had Ian Leslie on the program talking about McCartney and Lennon; and I have a much greater appreciation for McCartney–and Lennon–than I had before I read his book. But–this is–I don’t know how to talk about it. If there’s not more to the story, it’s petty; but it’s also pitiful. It’s such a dramatic example of the insatiable desire that we’re talking about. Tell what happened there.

Will Storr: Yeah. So, I was told this, I was tipped off about this, by a Beatles fanatic when I told–there was a music journalist–when I told him I was writing a book, ‘Oh, you should write about Paul McCartney with this songwriting thing.’ And, I said, ‘What did you see?’ He said, ‘Oh, well, he went through a phase of–.’ Because, so the story is that when Lennon and McCartney started writing together, they had an agreement that all the songs were credited to Lennon McCartney. No matter who wrote what, it would just say ‘Lennon McCartney’. So, that was fine. But then, at some point with Paul McCartney, it became not fine. This is later in his career. And, he started thinking, ‘Well, why does Lennon’s name come first? It’s not fair. My name should come first.’ And, there were various meetings about this. I think some of them were after Lennon died, because Yoko Ono was involved. And, she was like, she said, ‘Absolutely not. You can’t do this.’

And then, so what he started doing is, when he would do live albums where they would cover Beatles songs, he would flip the names. So, it would say McCartney, Lennon. McCartney, Lennon. And then, there was a threat of legal action from Yoko Ono.

So, the reason I love this story is because, as you say, two things really. So, one is Paul McCartney is famously, like, a really nice guy. He’s not like a Kanye West lunatic, or Taylor Swift who is seen as savagely interested in status. He’s seen as a really nice guy. No one’s got a bad word to say about McCartney, really.

Russ Roberts: And, he’s got some status. He’s got money–

Will Storr: [inaudible 00:34:55] you can’t imagine–

Russ Roberts: He’s one of the most famous people on the planet.

Will Storr: That’s the thing. You can’t imagine really a person with more status than Paul McCartney who is alive at the moment. Really. Like, he’s beloved. He basically helped invent popular music–like, the songs that he wrote. And yet, so I just thought, I’ve got a bit more of a kind of [?] empathetic view than you. I don’t think it’s–it is petty, but I think it’s deeply human.

Russ Roberts: Oh, I agree. Yeah.

Will Storr: It’s deeply human. And, I think it just shows you that–and as I say in the book, the one study that sort of popped into my mind when I think about this–it might have been in the same chapter–was when they were trying to figure out the difference between power and status. Is power and status the same thing? And, the answer is it isn’t. We know power is about being able to control resources. And, actually, when you test people’s desire for power, unless you’re a particular personality type, like maybe a Trumpian or a whatever personality type, people’s desire for power very quickly wears out because with power comes responsibility, and hassle, and stress, and it’s, ‘Oh, God.’ But when they test people’s desire for status, it never runs out. It never stops. And, the interesting thing about status is it is not to say that everybody’s walking around thinking, ‘I want to be the king. I want to be the number one.’ Most people don’t: they’re quite happy to be above average. But it is about ratcheting up. You go up a little bit in status, then you want a bit more, and you want a bit more, and you want a bit more, and you want a bit more. And, that never stops. It never stops.

I mean, I agree with you. I say, in old age–older age I should say–I’m sure it wears down. And good. You don’t want to be 71 and trying to compete with a 21-year-old, for God’s sake. You want to take it easier, a bit. But yeah, it never really stops. I don’t think there ever comes a point in your life where you are quite happy to be seen as the lowest-status person in the room.

Russ Roberts: So, now we’re going to get the Taylor Swift fans writing us, too, with the Buddhists, and the Buddhist Taylor Swift fans are going to really be upset with you, Will.

But, I want to say one thing about McCartney. It’s a constant issue in academic life when you have multiple authors–which is increasingly the case in modern academic life, especially in science. So, usually the norm is it’s alphabetical order.

Russ Roberts: But, my last name is Roberts. So that’s cruel. It’s not fair. And, Lennon McCartney is in alphabetical order. Now, my guess is–maybe they flipped a coin. But maybe they just decided, ‘Well, alphabetical order.’

In economics, what happens, which I think is–I don’t know, there’s a humor to it. People will write that the order of the authors was chosen randomly, lest you think that the first author is the more important one or the one who did more of the work. Including if it’s in alphabetical order, because you want to make it clear, because maybe you don’t know that it was chosen as alphabetical order. So, they often in the acknowledgments will say–which is really strange–that it was alphabetical order or it’s random, or we toss–academics, obviously, the joke is the fighting is so petty because the stakes are so small. Here’s this journal article that 11 people are going to read, and you’re worrying about that you’re second? Really? But, I guess you got to fight over–it’s the game.

Will Storr: That’s the game. Another one of these studies which always sticks in my mind is about the orange juice, where it was back in the 1970s where they did a study where they poured lots of people glasses of orange juice, and one person got slightly less orange juice than everybody else. And, reliably, that person became distracted and obsessed and was thinking about the orange juice. Because that’s what we are like as people, as human beings. Everything is a symbol–everything can be a symbol of status. And, we are deeply interested in our relative status because, as I said at the beginning of the chat[?], it plugs directly into our ability to survive and reproduce. So, it’s extremely important to us.

39:31

Russ Roberts: So, you take some–I was going to call them ‘cheap shots.’ That’s not nice. You attack neoliberalism at one point in the book, which is a phrase I don’t like. But, what you mean by that is the–I would call it the intellectual currents that culminated in the election of Reagan and Thatcher and pushed the United States and Germany–sorry about that–the United States and the United Kingdom toward a less regulated, smaller government. Now, I would argue it wasn’t really much smaller, but let’s put that to the side. I’m curious why you believe–I’ll take the simple example of that the–after this change, people got more–fill-in-the-blank–greedy, self-centered. Could be true. But it’s kind of hard to blame it on that intellectual current. Just like, I mean, Communism couldn’t wring the inequality out of the human experience. In fact, it may have made it worse. Do you really think those intellectual currents–which I think failed, by the way. I’m sympathetic to them, as my listeners know; you might not know that. I don’t think they had much success. But you give them a lot of weight in changing how we look at ourselves as individuals rather more collectively oriented. Do you really think that had much of an effect on the status game?

Russ Roberts: Defend that.

Will Storr: You know. So, the human brain is always asking the question, ‘Who do I have to be in this place in order to earn connection, status, and to connect with people to rise?’ And so, with the rise–you don’t like the phrase–but when I was doing my research into this for my previous book, Selfie, I thought that lots of economists would argue that neoliberalism doesn’t exist. I was aware that there was debate. But yeah, as I say, it’s this idea that we removed things like regulation. It was the destruction of the unions. It was, in the United Kingdom, it was privatization of industry. It was selling all the council houses. It was unleashing–you know, dropping regulations on banking, which some of those regulations directly led to the global financial crisis in 2008. So, there were all these measures that Thatcher and Reagan brought into us to basically increase competition. That was the goal. And so, I’m intrigued that you said that they didn’t actually do that because that seems to me a surprising claim. But, you’re an economist, and I’m not.

Russ Roberts: You’re the first person who has ever said that, Will, to me in my life. Most people just say, ‘Why wouldn’t an economist understand this?’ But, I want to be, before–well, you carry on, I’ll come back and add a footnote.

Will Storr: So, I mean, really says that chapter that you’re talking about is a brief summary of a much larger argument I make in my previous book, which is called Selfie. So, I look quite deeply into that there.

And so, I think what even your viewers and listeners who aren’t economists can appreciate is, if you look at how the culture changed between the 1960s and 1970s and the 1980s, as I said in Selfie, in 20 years from 1965 to 1985, we went from, ‘Screw the Man’ in inverted commas to ‘Greed is good.’ I mean, there was an enormous change in the culture of the West into how we–into our conception of what a hero was, into our conception of what good and bad is, into the way that we played our status games. And, I feel, and that times perfectly with the rise of Thatcher and Reagan and all the things that we can describe as neoliberalism, which is the increase in competition.

So, there is this extraordinary quote from Margaret Thatcher when she was elected, where she said, ‘Economics is the project, but the object is to change the soul.’

And so, my argument in Selfie is that if you look at the psychology, that’s what happened. There was an amazing study by Jean Twenge, where she looked at babies’ names and how they suddenly changed in the early 1980s. So, up until the early 1980s, forever in the United Kingdom and the United States, people would just name their children ordinary names like George, Alfred, Barbara, or whatever it might be. And then, starting in the early 1980s, people started to give their children unusual names, because they wanted, in her phrase, to stand out and be a star.

So, all this stuff–this increasing competition to ramp up our state of individualism, ramp up our state of wanting to stand out. There was a huge study of levels of perfectionism, which found that beginning in the 1980s and rising up through into the early 2000s, perfectionism rates soared in individuals in the United Kingdom and Canada, and in the United States. So, psychologically there is a huge amount of evidence, and there’s more too, that we changed radically as a people in the 1980s. And, those changes mirror perfectly this kind of Thatcher-Reagan project of decreasing the collective self and increasing the individualistic, competitive self. So, that’s my thesis.

45:20

Russ Roberts: It’s well said. I don’t agree with it, but that’s okay. I’ll give you my take, and then you can have at me.

I don’t mean to suggest that those two politicians achieved nothing. They did deregulate some, although actually in America, it started ironically with Jimmy Carter, who was a Democrat who started in the late 1970s. And, Alfred Kahn was one of his chief economic advisers on deregulation. And, it introduced competition into industries that were making lots of money at consumers’ expense because they were protected.

And, I have trouble seeing that as an encouragement of self-interest or selfishness. The fact that truckers or airlines–I’m talking about America. United Kingdom is a little different because of the changes more in labor situations–and a lot of things are different in both places, obviously.

But the main argument I want to make on the other side is that, in my ideal world, and I am not going to speak for Ronald Reagan, and I don’t know what he actually–or Thatcher–what they had in mind. But, for me, the redemption of the soul, to take the Thatcher quote seriously, was about devolving responsibility away from the collective, the state, toward, not the individual so much as the voluntary. That, we would associate with each other through what is sometimes called civil society, to take care of each other.

Now, in certain situations, that’s a myth. It’s not possible. I think it’s very hard to rely, say–and you can debate whether it’s good or bad–but it’s hard to, say, create a welfare state voluntarily. There would be charity if welfare really disappeared. But, my other side of this debate is that I don’t think Thatcher or Reagan were very successful in dismantling the welfare state. A lot of people claim that.

The more interesting question for me is the cultural change, and we can debate where it came from. But, I do think we are more self-centered and see ourselves, over this period of, say, let’s say the last 30 or 40 years, as more of a brand–a more transactional sense of self. That we don’t see our role in the collective or our community as being as important. And, I think it’s a really deep question why that might be, if it’s indeed true.

But, I don’t think people are more selfish. And, I think people chose exotic names because it’s fun, and a lot of norms and cultural restrictions dropped away over this period, which most of us, I think, were a good thing, right? So, as you said earlier, it’s complicated; and it’s good and bad.

Will Storr: Yeah. But, I think most people would accept that–look at pop culture in the 1980s. You had Whitney Houston, ‘The Greatest Love of All is the love of the self.’ You had Madonna’s ‘Material Girl.’ Those kind of Reagan/Thatcher values became–it changed the way that we–maybe it’s just storytelling. Maybe it’s just that Reagan and Thatcher got to set the kind of narrative tone of the culture. In a similar way that Donald Trump is now, and things are kind of moving–they call it a vibe shift these days, don’t they? But, yeah, I hear what you’re saying, and I bow to your superior depth of knowledge as an economist. But, I still think it’s remarkable, that at the same time these economic changes were being made, we had an identical change in the character of the Western self. We changed alongside, along with it.

Russ Roberts: And, my answer to that would be, I think the story that people tell typically about Reagan and Thatcher is a bit of a caricature. And, while I bemoan the death of many collective things that we used to achieve as human beings, I also, as you do, recognize that sometimes collective action has its own destructive side.

So, it’s a bit of a trade-off between freedom, and social norms, and government legislation–not just norms–that’s going on here. It’s a very, very interesting phenomenon, the last 60 years. The amount of cultural change over the last 60 years, which has been driven by, in our era, the recent era, obviously social media and the iPhone and the smartphone. Before that, it was driven, I think, by the birth control pill and a bunch of economic change that came from all kinds of places. But, it’s hard to know.

I don’t want to be–I really appreciate it. I’m touched by your willingness to elevate my status because I’m an economist. As I said, it’s so rare. It usually drops me down. And, in a social gathering, no one will concede superiority or respect for the economist because it’s their field. Because–

Will Storr: Even when they’re talking about the economy?

Russ Roberts: No, absolutely not. No, because they’re in the economy, too–that person, that other person. ‘I have a job, I work, I have income. I know about this.’ And, they might be right, by the way. I don’t want to overstate any of my, quote, “superior knowledge.”

51:26

Russ Roberts: Okay. I want to ask a different kind of challenge, which is: there’s a related phenomenon that I think I didn’t understand. You want to subsume tribalism to some extent under the status game, and I want to keep them separate.

So, tribalism is a lot like status. It is deeply ingrained in our makeup, our psychological makeup. We’re very hardwired for both. But I think of them as two separate things. But, you pull them together. Make the argument there. What are you trying to say?

Will Storr: Well, we play the status game on two different levels. So, individual status is important to us, but also group status. So, part of our identity–there’s a huge literature in psychology, social identity theory, very popular at the moment–which explores how our identity is made up of our group memberships. And so, yeah, I think it is very well established, not only in psychology but in neuroscience, that one source of our status is in our individual achievements, but also the wins of our group matters deeply to us. And, to see that, you’ve only got to go to an English football match, and you see how unbelievably deeply people care about their team–who they don’t actually play for–winning or losing. You see grown men in tears when their team loses some important match. So, yeah, that’s why. I mean, in psychology, that’s not a controversial position, that group status.

We suffer from group narcissism. There was that hilarious study where they asked, I forget, 20, 30 different people from different countries to add up the percentage of how much their nation had contributed to world history. And, I forget the actual percentages, but people were coming up with 300% or 400%. So, there’s that concept also of group narcissism, which I think is really interesting because there’s a social kind of restriction on us claiming status for ourselves as individuals, but there isn’t one for our groups. We’re allowed to be very boastful and claim enormous amounts of status on behalf of our groups. And, that’s nationalism. That’s the Swifties.

So, yeah, that would be my position. And, I think the position of lots of people in psychology.

Russ Roberts: No, I like that. And, I think I tend to think of it–and I think maybe I’m looking at it wrong, maybe it’s just status–I tend to think of it as injustice, that we have this sort of innate measuring of injustice. And, when something is, say, untrue, and we feel there’s been a wrong, that we get agitated and angry, and especially if it’s about our group. And, I always think of it as simply ‘my group is not getting what it deserves,’ but it is probably status, and it’s probably my–you know, I’m here in the Middle East, I’m here in Jerusalem. It fascinates me that there’s an immense amount of debate in the history of the Palestinian issue about what happened in, say, 1947 or 1948–1947 being the UN [United Nations] partition, and 1948 being the invasion of Israel by its neighbors. And then, what happened after that is very much up for grabs depending on what facts you report. We’ve talked about this on the program before.

But without going into whether, which side has the better case, the intensity with which that 77-year-old issue gets debated, I always think about it as being a justice issue: my side–either one–is not getting the respect it deserves. And, I always think, ‘Yeah, so I have angst, I have anger, I have outrage,’ but it really is partly about my side is not getting the status it deserves–either.

Will Storr: Yeah. I think justice and truth in a vertical was downstream from status in the sense that every group–like it or not, truth is local. The Zionists in Israel have one truth, and the Palestinians have another truth. And, they both equally believe their truth would be the truth. And, especially when you’re going to things like moral truths, because really there is no such thing as a moral truth. You can’t look at a moral truth under a microscope.

Russ Roberts: It’s tough. We think we have one, most of us, for our side. Whatever side it is, even if it’s just rooting for Tottenham.

Will Storr: Yeah. So, all of these things we use as symbols for the status of our group. And, that’s what you see in this recent cultural thing we’ve had in cancel culture and wokeism, in inverted commas. It’s that whole business of, ‘I demand that you sign up to the truths of my group, and if you don’t sign up to the truths of my group, then I’m going to attack you.’ And, it is attack on your status. I’m going to remove you from your positions. I’m going to destroy your reputation, da-da-da-da-da. So, I think that’s how it works. And, I think group-versus-group status competitions can be absolutely savage. And, yeah, I really think that, as I said, truth and justice is downstream from status. Ultimately, it’s about the status of groups.

Russ Roberts: Yeah, no, I think that that makes a lot of sense.

57:18

Russ Roberts: I want to close by talking–at the end of the book, you give some advice about how to move in the modern world in this status game. The one rule that you suggest, which I found most provocative and interesting, is: you summarize, you could say, reduce your moral sphere. What do you mean by that?

Will Storr: So, this was very much a reaction to–I mean, I wrote The Status Game during lockdown, during the whole–it was a very feverish time in the culture wars; and it was just that sense of, I think we’re spending too much time thinking about other people’s moral behavior. It is that sense of moral surveillance of other people. It’s all about status, that stuff. It’s all about, ‘Are you on my side, or are you not on my side? Are you a source of status for me and my group, or are you a threat to the status of me and my group?’

And, just the feeling that that brings a lot of hatred, and a lot of aggression, and a lot of stress to other people, but also to the self. It’s not nice to live in that world of never being off your phone, judging other people, getting angry at other people, stressing out about other people’s views, and just the belief that reducing your moral sphere in a sense of trying to hone it down just to think more about your own moral behavior rather than obsessing about the moral behavior of others, felt to me like probably a fundamentally good thing that most people should try and pursue.

Russ Roberts: It’s interesting because, in Judaism, if you see someone–if you are suffering, you’ve had bad things happen to you, you’re encouraged to do some soul-searching and ask yourself whether you’ve maybe earned this. A very dark and troubling idea, but sometimes productive. But, you’re not supposed to do that with other people, right? If you see someone else suffering, you’re not supposed to say, ‘Boy, that person must have done something terrible.’ You’re supposed to be agnostic and view that as possibly just bad luck. And, you’re definitely not supposed to investigate their soul on their behalf and say, ‘Oh, I know why that’s happening to you, because you,’ whatever. So, you should distance yourself from the suffering of other people as a causal event, but you should use it for yourself as a way to become a better person. So, it’s a similar idea to what you’re suggesting, and I think in these troubled times that we’re in, with social media putting this kind of judgmental urge on steroids, it seems like really good advice you’re giving.

Will Storr: Good. Well, thank you, Russ. I appreciate it. And, thanks for engaging so thoroughly with my book. I really appreciate it, and I’ve enjoyed our chat very much. Thank you.

Russ Roberts: Same here. My guest today has been Will Storr. His book is The Status Game. Will, thanks for being part of EconTalk.

Will Storr: Pleasure. Thank you for having me.



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